It's been 30 years since the Bosnian war ended with the stroke of a pen in Paris.

Paris

The Dayton Accords, brokered in 1995 through US and NATO intervention, ended the bloodiest conflict of the Yugoslav wars and brought lasting peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the agreement also established a highly complex constitutional system, overseen by the Office of the High Representative, which continues to influence Bosnian politics three decades later.

Bosnia remains divided along ethnic lines, with governance frequently paralyzed by ethnic vetoes and Republika Srpska regularly threatening secession. Many young people are leaving the country in search of better opportunities, and hopes for a more functional democracy have diminished over the years.

Dayton Accords: Peace Amid Political Stalemate

Of all the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s, Bosnia's was the bloodiest. International intervention failed to stop massacres, ethnic cleansing and the genocide in Srebrenica. But in 1995, US pressure and a NATO military campaign finally brought everyone to the negotiating table in Dayton, Ohio. It was a piece of strategic brilliance by the United States, inviting the leaders of the three major groups involved in the fighting to this isolated air force base and essentially telling them that they wouldn't get going home until they made peace. The war damage is still here, but that peace has held. Thirty years ago, I'd likely have been shot standing here in what was sniper territory in central Sarajevo. But as well as peace, the Dayton Accords have given this traumatised, fragile, ethnically divided country one of the most complex constitutional systems in the world. Much of it overseen by a foreign official with sweeping powers over Bosnian politics, the Office of the High Representative. Carl Bildt, the EU's top negotiator at Dayton, was the first to hold the post. No one thought that the High Representative was still going to be there 30 years down the road. The relationship with it is that the politicians there, for their ethnicity, they find it more useful to go to the international community and the High Representative than doing the necessary compromises themselves. Bosnia is split into the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, mostly Muslim Bosniaks and Croats, and Republika Srpska, mostly Serbs. Governance is often paralysed by ethnic vetoes. And emboldened by Serbia and Russia, Republika Srpska frequently threatens secession. What was designed as a temporary compromise has choked the economy and trapped Bosnia in a tussle between Russia and the West. And it's in Republika Srpska that Bosnia's fault lines are most obvious. I met three politics students in the capital Banja Luka. Our homeland is Republika Srpska and our mother country is Serbia. We have no connection to the institutions of Bosnia-Herzegovina. I live by their rules, I respect their laws, but I don't believe that I as a citizen can have much influence on them. Of the three, only Mateja spoke up for Bosnia. I want to continue living in Republika Srpska, within Bosnia and Herzegovina. I consider myself a local patriot. But many of Bosnia's smartest young people leave, seeking brighter, richer futures elsewhere. Beyond peace, many hoped Dayton would allow Bosnia to achieve a more functional democracy. Thirty years on, that hope is fading. Rory Challans, Al Jazeera, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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